In the 17th century, a great revolution took place in India when a young Maratha warrior declared himself the sovereign king of Maratha lands. This was Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj.

He was crowned using Hindu ceremonies. He held an umbrella (chhatra) over his head to declare his royal nature. He issued coins using the Sanskrit script and Devanagari language, a practice of royal status which came with the Muslims. He started a calendar like the Buddhist and Scythian kings of yore. But most importantly, he insisted that the ceremony be conducted by Brahmins.

Why was this important? Because the legitimacy of kingship traditionally in India came from Brahmins.

However, and rather significantly, this was never sought by Rajput kings. Rajput kings claimed descent from the sun, the moon and fire gods, a practice that may have begun as early as 800AD. They assumed Kshatriya status as their power increased in the Mughal times.

In the southern and the eastern parts of India, anyone who supported the great temples could become a king. By supporting the great temples, one ensured the prosperity of Brahmins attached to the temple.

The Brahmins benefited from Agrahara, Brahmadeya and Devbhoga lands. This was done by many Chola kings of Tamil Nadu and Gajapati kings of Odisha.

In the fourth century, founder of the Kadamba kingdom in Karnataka, Mayurasharma, had invited Brahmins from Ahichhatra. In the 10th century, Brahmins from Kanyakubja were invited by Jajati Kesari of Odisha.

But in the Deccan region, Shiva-raya found it difficult to get Brahmin support, even though he very clearly was overthrowing the mantle of Yavana rule. The Brahmins said that in Kali Yuga, there were no Kshatriyas. All Kshatriyas were killed by Parshuram. The only people who existed were Brahmins and Shudras.

Yet, we know that Brahmins were famous for anointing kings using complex ritual ceremonies, a process known as ‘Kshatriyafication’. How else can we explain the rise of Brahmin-supported kings such as the Chalukyas, Cholas, Pallavas, Pandyas, Hoysalas, Yadavas and Kakatiyas of South India?

The liberal side

There are many complex stories of why and how Brahmins challenged the caste status of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj. Finally, reprieve came through the Brahmins of Kashi. They acknowledged his Kshatriya status and his royal lineage by tracing these in various complex ways.

The Brahmins of Kashi were perhaps far more liberal than the local Brahmins of Maharashtra. At one time, local Brahmins of inland Maharashtra had conflicts with coastal Saraswat Brahmins. They argued that the Saraswat Brahmins ate fish and so were not Brahmins.

The Brahmins of Kashi, in a Dharma Sansad, argued otherwise by using verses from the Sahyadri Khanda of the Skanda Purana. They insisted that the Saraswats had migrated from Bihar, from the Mithila region where fish eating was common.

There was folklore that, in Vedic era, when the river Saraswati dried up, the Vedas were at risk of getting lost. It is the Saraswat Brahmins who survived by eating fish and ensured the survival of the Vedic scriptures.

The Kashi Brahmins also played a key role in establishing the legitimacy of the Prabhu or Kayastha community. They did so by presenting stories from the Puranas. These stories said that the Kayasthas who were scribes and accountants and bookkeepers were not Shudras. In fact, they descended from Yama himself, from the body of the Purusha. They helped Brahma maintain records of people’s karmas.

It was said that some Kshatriyas were spared from Parashurama’s violence when they agreed to give up the weapon and take up the pen. These were the Chandraseniya Kayastha Prabhus.

Stories such as these were accepted as proof of the high status of both Kayasthas and the Saraswat Brahmins – much to the irritation of other local Brahmin communities. It is the same Kashi Brahmins who ensured that the mighty Maratha became a sovereign king.

All this reveals that the Brahmin world has always had both a conservative and a liberal lobby. Revolutions happen through flexible people and new ideas. New ways of thinking come from those who are far more flexible. Those who are able to rise above personal jealousies, squabbles and ambitions.

The story of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj’s coronation, the caste politics around him, and its resolution by the Kashi Brahmins is a lesson for all those who argue Hindu society is conservative, incapable of change.